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10 questions to ask if you are scrutinising housing and homelessness

Introduction

This guide is designed for scrutiny practitioners – councillors on scrutiny committees and the officers who support them, to help them when scrutinising housing and homelessness.

It includes the context you need to ask good questions, and ten questions that form the basis of effective scrutiny in this area. We have also included a short ‘jargon buster’ to help you understand any unfamiliar terms.

How to use these questions

These questions are designed to be quick to read, relevant and accessible, complementing our suite of good scrutiny practice guides. Think of them as a menu of options, allowing you to choose the questions that matter most in your local context – you will not need to ask all ten.

How much of this guide applies depends partly on whether your council is stock-owning (it runs council housing through a Housing Revenue Account (HRA), either directly or through an Arm’s Length Management Organisation (ALMO), and is itself a social landlord) or non-stock-owning (where housing is provided by housing associations and the private rented sector)If you are unsure, your council’s budget (look for a Housing Revenue Account) or its housing pages will tell you. The final two questions relate only to councils who run their own housing stock.

Jargon buster

The law that strengthened council duties to prevent and relieve homelessness earlier, before someone becomes statutorily homeless.

Housing that councils place homeless households in while a longer-term solution is found.

The ring-fenced account a stock-owning council must keep for its council housing income and spending, separate from the general fund.

A housing association or similar body registered to provide social housing and regulated by the Regulator of Social Housing.

The rates that determine how much housing benefit private renters can receive. The temporary accommodation subsidy councils can reclaim is capped at 2011 LHA rates.

Standardised measures covering tenants’ experience of their landlord.

Rules requiring social landlords to investigate and fix serious hazards, starting with damp and mould, within fixed timescales.

Actions that work with natural systems (such as tree planting, wetland restoration or green roofs) to reduce climate risk while also delivering wider environmental benefits.

The minimum condition standard for social housing, now being extended to the private rented sector.

Wide-ranging reform of the private rented sector.

Generally, properties occupied by three or more people from two or more households who share facilities such as kitchens or bathrooms. Some other types of converted property can also be classed as HMOs. Some HMOs require licensing by the local authority.

Previously the legal mechanism that allowed landlords in England to end most assured shorthold tenancies without giving a reason. These “no-fault” evictions were abolished from 1 May 2026 under the Renters’ Rights Act 2025.

Scrutiny members may also find the Local Partnerships Climate Adaptation Toolkit and Risk and Opportunities Matrix useful. The toolkit provides a practical framework for identifying local climate risks, understanding service impacts and developing adaptation plans, while the matrix helps councils consider climate risks across different service areas.

The national context

These bullets set out the national backdrop. Your local context is just as important. LG inform can help you understand local data and benchmark against comparable councils, alongside your own knowledge and insight.

  • Homelessness and the use of temporary accommodation are at record levels in England.
  • Much of the pressure is structural. The housing benefit subsidy councils can reclaim for temporary accommodation has been frozen at 2011 Local Housing Allowance rates, leaving a widening gap that councils must fund themselves.
  • Temporary accommodation is one of the fastest-growing and least controllable areas of council spend. For many authorities, temporary accommodation is now a serious financial risk.
  • The Homelessness Reduction Act 2017 strengthened councils’ duties to prevent and relieve homelessness earlier, and Part 7 of the Housing Act 1996 sets out the core statutory homelessness duties.
  • Increasing supply is the only long-term solution to the crisis. Government has committed significant funding towards a large number of new social and affordable homes, but delivery depends on viability, build costs, planning, capacity and Right to Buy replacement.
  • Housing quality is under sharper scrutiny. Awaab’s Law now requires social landlords to deal with damp, mould and emergency hazards within fixed timescales and the Social Housing Act 2023 introduced proactive consumer regulation and mandatory Tenant Satisfaction Measures.
  • The Renters Rights Act 2025 has reshaped the private rented sector, abolishing Section 21 ‘no-fault’ evictions from May 2026 and moving to periodic tenancies.
  • Good outcomes depend on councils working well in partnership, with registered providers, health partners and others. It is also critical that providers engage with and look to understand the needs of their tenants and residents.

 

The ten questions

1. Do we have a current, evidence-based picture of housing need, and a strategy to respond to it?

Also ask:

  • When were our housing needs assessment and our homelessness and rough sleeping strategy last refreshed, and what does the data actually show?
  • Is the strategy genuinely driving decisions and spending, and how can we see that?
  • How does the housing strategy link to planning, health, poverty, regeneration and growth?

Why ask this?

Without an up-to-date, accurate picture of housing need, the council cannot plan services or spend money well. A strong answer shows the strategy is built on recent, reliable data and genuinely drives decisions rather than being a document that sits on a shelf

 

2. What is happening with temporary accommodation, what is it costing, and is it sustainable?

Also ask:

  • What is the council’s strategy for reducing the unit cost of temporary accommodation, and what progress is being made?
  • What is the trend in temporary accommodation numbers and is there an overspend against budget?
  • How many households are in B&Bs or placed out of area, and what is the impact on schooling, work and support?
  • How do we assure ourselves that temporary accommodation is genuinely suitable?
  • How long are households spending in temporary accommodation and how has this changed over time?

Why ask this?

Temporary accommodation is usually the single biggest financial and human-cost pressure in this area, made worse by a subsidy frozen since 2011. Look for a credible plan to reduce reliance, not just manage it.

3. How is the council using the levers available to it to increase the supply of homes that meet identified local need?

Also ask:

  • How many genuinely affordable and social-rent homes were delivered last year against plan, and what role did the council play in securing that delivery?
  • Where are the main delivery risks? Is it viability, build costs, land or capacity?
  • How are we using everything at our disposal (land, planning, partnerships and, where we own stock, the HRA) to build more homes?

Why ask this?

Affordable homes and social housing increase the supply of housing, providing the most effective route to reducing the use of temporary accommodation. It is important to weigh the council’s ambition against what it can realistically deliver.

 

4. How effective are our partnerships with health, mental health, substance misuse, criminal justice and housing providers in supporting people away from rough sleeping?

Also ask:

  • What is the trend in rough sleeping numbers, and how reliable is the data?
  • Are workforce capacity, recruitment or retention challenges affecting our ability to prevent and reduce rough sleeping?
  • How are we using rough sleeping funding?
  • How well are we joining up with health, mental health, substance misuse and criminal justice partners?
  • Do we collect data on how many people return to rough sleeping after intervention?
  • How many people move into settled accommodation following intervention, and how sustainable are those outcomes after 6 and 12 months?

Why ask this?

Rough sleeping generally occurs where several systems fail at once. A strong answer shows that partners are working well together. Understanding the sustainability of interventions will help to add insight into repeat homelessness, as opposed to just an annual count number.

 

5. How well is homelessness prevention actually working?

Also ask:

  • What are the main causes of homelessness locally, and are our prevention resources targeted at those causes
  • How early are people approaching the council, and what are the main triggers?
  • Are we intervening early enough to prevent homelessness, or are services increasingly operating in crisis mode?
  • Which prevention activities have the strongest evidence of success?
  • Where could we intervene earlier, and how well do we join up with other services such as social care, health and welfare advice?
  • Where is prevention failing, and what would change that?
  • How do prevention outcomes vary between different groups and geographic areas, and where are the gaps?
  • How effectively is the council using its powers and partnerships in the private rented sector to prevent homelessness and improve housing outcomes?

Why ask this?

Prevention is better for people and far cheaper than temporary accommodation. Prevention rates are the clearest test of whether the council is helping people early enough to stop them becoming homeless in the first place.

6. Do vulnerable groups experience better housing outcomes as a result of our interventions?

Also ask:

  • How do housing outcomes differ between the groups we work with and is anyone being left behind?
  • Are we meeting our duties on safe accommodation for people fleeing domestic abuse?
  • How well are we meeting the needs of other groups with specific duties or pressures, such as care leavers, people leaving prison, and refugees and people moving on from asylum accommodation?
  • What evidence do we have that disabled people achieve housing outcomes that are as good as those of other residents, and where are the gaps?

Why ask this?

These are the groups most at risk of not getting help and support, and several carry specific statutory duties. Look for evidence of outcomes, not just processes.

 

7. How resilient is the council’s homelessness service to rising demand?

Also ask:

  • Does the service have the staffing, caseloads and systems to cope with current and forecast demand, and how does this compare with similar councils?
  • What contingency plans exist if demand spikes suddenly, for example following a large-scale eviction event or closure of a supported housing provider?
  • What is the average caseload per Housing Officer, and is this static, or has it changed overtime?
  • Are service pressures affecting the quality or timeliness of decision-making?
  • How reliant is the service on agency staff, temporary funding streams or short-term government grants?

Why ask this?

A service running at capacity has no room to absorb a shock. Scrutiny should understand the service’s headroom, not just its current performance.

8. How is the council planning for changing housing demand and population pressures?

Also ask:

  • What factors are driving changes in demand for housing and homelessness services locally, and how are these being monitored?
  • How are housing, education, health and other partners working together to understand and respond to these pressures?
  • What do current trends suggest about future demand, and how is this shaping planning and resource allocation?
  • What are the biggest risks and uncertainties in our demand forecasts, and how are we preparing for them?
  • How is the council planning for demand arising from care leavers, people leaving prison, refugees and people moving on from asylum accommodation?

Why ask this?

Housing demand can change quickly and may be influenced by a range of economic, demographic and policy factors. Scrutiny should seek assurance that the council understands emerging pressures, uses evidence to plan ahead, and works effectively with partners to ensure local services can respond. A strong answer will demonstrate a proactive approach to understanding and managing demand rather than reacting once pressures have become acute.

Please note that the remaining questions apply to stock-owning councils.

 

9. What condition is our housing stock in, and how are we handling damp, mould and disrepair?

Also ask:

  • What proportion of our stock meets the Decent Homes Standard, and how current is our stock condition data?
  • How confident are we in the quality and completeness of our stock condition data?
  • What is the damp and mould caseload, and can we meet the fixed hazard timescales under Awaab’s Law?
  • How quickly are repairs completed, and what do complaints tell us?
  • How are we assuring ourselves that problems are being identified proactively rather than waiting for tenants to report them?
  • What do complaints, Housing Ombudsman findings and regulatory requirements tell us about the quality of our homes and services?

Why ask this?

Awaab’s Law is being introduced in phases, and failing to deal with serious hazards in time is both a safety and a legal risk. Look for assurance grounded in data as well as tenants’ lived experiences. Scrutiny should consider complaints trends, Housing Ombudsman findings, relevant regulatory requirements and the work of the Member Responsible for Complaints (where appointed), alongside local performance and stock condition data.

10. How are we performing on the social housing consumer standards and tenant satisfaction/feedback?

Also ask:

  • What do our Tenant Satisfaction Measures tell us, and how do we compare with similar landlords?
  • Have we had any regulatory engagement, judgements or Housing Ombudsman findings?
  • How are residents’ voices shaping decisions?
  • Can you give an example of where tenant feedback has directly led to a service change?
  • Where do tenant satisfaction results, complaints data, Ombudsman findings and performance data tell different stories, and how are we responding?
  • How do we know that tenant engagement is representative of the wider tenant population, including groups whose voices may be heard less often?

Why ask this?

Proactive consumer regulation under the Social Housing (Regulation) Act 2023 means weak performance now carries real regulatory consequences. The measures give scrutiny an independent benchmark. In addition, good housing outcomes depend on genuine tenant influence, not just consultation. Services shaped with residents work better and are fairer.

Further information and support

LG inform – is a free tool from the Local Government Association that brings together performance, demographic and financial data for local authorities in one place. You can also download a mobile friendly version as an app.

MHCLG statutory homelessness statistics — published quarterly. Read these alongside your council’s homelessness and rough sleeping strategy.

Regulator of Social Housing and the Housing Ombudsman — consumer standards, inspections, Tenant Satisfaction Measures, complaints findings and learning that can help scrutiny assess performance and tenant outcomes.

Member Responsible for Complaints (MRC) – guidance and reports to support member oversight of complaints handling and service improvement.

The Centre for Governance and Scrutiny (CfGS) provides a resources and practical guidance suite designed to help local authorities and public bodies conduct effective, transparent, and impactful overview and scrutiny

Key legislation — Homelessness Reduction Act 2017, Part 7 of the Housing Act 1996, the Social Housing (Regulation) Act 2023 and the Renters’ Rights Act 2025